Monday, 8 February 2010

Australian Security Intelligence Organisation

as posted here


Australian Security Intelligence Organisation

Estimates Transcripts | Spokesperson Scott Ludlam
Monday 8th February 2010, 8:48pm

CHAIR-I reconvene this public hearing of the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee's consideration of the additional estimates for 2009-10. I welcome representatives from ASIO, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation. Mr Irvine, good afternoon. Do you have an opening statement that you wanted to provide to us?
Mr Irvine-No, Senator, I do not.
CHAIR-All right. My apologies, Minister Arbib; good afternoon and welcome to our estimates process. It is nice to have you join us. We are going to go to questions from Senator Ludlam to begin with.
Senator LUDLAM-Thanks, Chair. Welcome back, Mr Irvine.
Mr Irvine-Thank you.
Senator LUDLAM-I should just tender my apologies on behalf of the committee for last time. We kept you waiting until quite late and then we ran out of time and sent you home, so I am glad we have got you, with the will of the committee, at a reasonable hour this time. I just want to kick off with an issue I did not raise during the last session which is about some of the enhanced powers enjoyed by ASIO under the antiterrorism legislation which still exist. I have been informed by a number of people that members of various ethnic, religious or activist communities are approached by ASIO operatives at various times for what some call ‘friendly chats'. I have received a number of complaints and accounts of such things. What is generally communicated to some of the people who are visited for these ‘friendly chats' is that ASIO officers could get a questioning warrant if they so chose, but that it would be much easier for the person if they just had a quick conversation without one, which people, I guess you could
understand, can find quite intimidating. I am just wondering: how are ASIO officers required to identify themselves in such situations; and is there a policy, formally or informally, for approaching people in this manner?

Mr Irvine-In the course of investigative inquiries, ASIO officers do approach members of the public to obtain information. Where we approach members of the public overtly and directly, ASIO officers would identify themselves and would seek the support of the people they are talking to in providing information. They make it clear that they are not obliged to provide such information; they are encouraged to do so. Indeed, there are times when, if people say, ‘Well, I don't want to talk to you,' we do not pursue the matter.
Senator LUDLAM-Okay. Can you tell us exactly how ASIO officers are required to identify themselves in such cases. What is the minimum amount of information they are required to tender?

Mr Irvine-ASIO officers will not necessarily identify themselves by their full name but they will, if asked to do so, usually give a first name and an indication that they are indeed from ASIO.
Senator LUDLAM-But they are not necessarily required to provide a badge or a rank, just their first name and the agency they are with.

Mr Irvine-Yes.
Senator LUDLAM-Okay. Have you been made aware of concerns within the various kinds of communities that I just named about people turning up to have these so-called friendly chats?
Mr Irvine-Yes, from time to time when ASIO does turn up to talk to people the people concerned are concerned. It is our practice to try to assuage those concerns and to encourage people to provide the sort of information that will assist us in our inquiries.
Senator LUDLAM-I guess this is policy that the first line of inquiries in the community generally are not to seek questioning warrants but to undertake these lines of questioning essentially outside any formal process?

Mr Irvine-Yes.
Senator LUDLAM-I will now return to an issue that you undertook to seek some information for us on last time we spoke-in May of last year. It was around the quantum of resources that the agency is taking up tracking peaceful demonstrators. You expressed some surprise at the time that climate change demonstrators, for example, were being approached for these kinds of friendly conversations. Again, I am not intending to trespass on specific operational activities here. I am looking for guidance from you on policy. Can you provide that information for us now, please?
Mr Irvine-In many ways it is difficult for me to address directly your concerns about ASIO interest in protest activity. For ASIO to be effective in protecting Australia and Australian interests against threats, we obviously have to be very circumspect about what we say publicly. I would not want to get the organisation into a running commentary on situations where ASIO may or may not have been involved. That said, you did raise with me last May an example of where, perhaps it was one of your constituents, was reportedly approached by ASIO following a protest, I think, at Rockingham power station.
Senator LUDLAM-That is right, Rockingham power station.
Mr Irvine-I did express surprise at the time that ASIO would have approached your constituent in such circumstances, and I went back and checked and I would like to place it on the record that I do not in fact believe it was ASIO who approached that person. I do not know who did, but it was not ASIO. More broadly, I would respond to your broader question with three points. ASIO does not devote any resources to constraining legitimate protest. We are specifically prevented from doing so by our act, and we do not do it. Our sole interest-and this is the second point-in protest activity is where that activity may be associated with or have the potential for political violence and, as such, it would come under the ASIO head of security relating to the issue of politically motivated violence. At present, the protest movement-if that is what you want to call it-or the demonstrations that take part in Australia are overwhelmingly peaceful. ASIO would devote only minimal resources to concerns about politically motivated violence related to protest activity. If there were an upswing in the potential for violent protest then ASIO would devote more resources accordingly. But I think the important thing to say is that ASIO's first and foremost priority at the moment is preventing terrorist attacks in Australia and against Australians. The vast majority of our resources are focused
on this fact.
Senator LUDLAM-That is what I would have expected. I will go to that in a moment, but just to conclude where we are now: I agree that in Australia these events are overwhelmingly peaceful. But they are in many cases now converging around assets that I presume you would consider important for national security-things like electricity grids and power stations. Given the overwhelming preponderance of peaceful demonstrations but nonetheless converging on that kind of infrastructure, does your agency keep a watching brief, aside from questions of violence, simply because of the nature of the areas where these demonstrations are now targeting?
Mr Irvine-Not specifically, but if we had information that there was potential violence around an element of critical infrastructure, we would almost certainly be alerting the local authorities.
Senator LUDLAM-Thank you. So, as far as your act is concerned, and presumably the training that you are giving your personnel, if there is no credible threat or risk of violence in any given demonstration, you have absolutely no brief to be investigating those activities?

Mr Irvine-None whatsoever.

Senator LUDLAM-Does it concern you then that, first of all, you are intimating that somebody is posing as an ASIO officer-which I find rather disturbing but I have no reason to disbelieve my constituent-that these off-the-record ‘friendly chats', of which this is one instance, do not have any paperwork associated with them, no warrants are being called for, no record is being kept, and the committee is now being asked to take your word that, on clarification with your agency, no such conversation happened?

Mr Irvine-Certainly in that particular instance that you quoted. When we do talk to people we keep our own records of such meetings.

Senator LUDLAM-There is kind of file note for every interaction up to a point?

Mr Irvine-Almost every interaction. Certainly if we were going out to interview a person to ask a person to assist us in an investigation, there would definitely be a record of that.

Senator LUDLAM-Just to come to the question that you touched on very briefly, that most of your brief does relate to terrorism and counterterrorism activities, in your annual report you have said that counterterrorism assessments fell for the third year running and there were less than half the number that there were in 2006-07. Can you tell us broadly what is captured by the scope of counterterrorism assessment? Is the country becoming safer or is there something else at work that is skewing the statistics?

Mr Irvine-I think that figure referred to the number of instances in respect of visa applications and perhaps things related to use of explosives in Australia, sales of ammonium nitrate and so on. Those numbers actually did fall last year.

Senator LUDLAM-And that is just part of the natural cycle of the way these things are conducted?

Mr Irvine-I think so.

Senator LUDLAM-There were some criticisms raised in the press after your last annual report, due to repeated instances of simply reprinting material from your previous annual report. I do not know whether you would be aware of some of the commentary that surrounded that. The section on espionage, for example, was a straight cut-and-paste from the 2007-08 report. Do the people who draft these reports for you simply start with the last annual report and then update bits and pieces?

Mr Irvine-They may well have done so on that occasion, but what is produced in the annual report each year is relevant to that year. In that sense it represents a continuum.

Senator LUDLAM-It is certainly an admirable example of recycling, but are you a bit concerned that the reports are essentially being cut from the same template, using the same words, year on year?

Mr Irvine-Again I would say that the report itself I believe to be an accurate representation of what occurred during the year. We can change the words, if you wish, but if the situation that is being described is the same I am not too worried.

Senator LUDLAM-I do not want to dwell on it, but it is just a peculiar example. Annual reports are one of the few accountability mechanisms or public reporting avenues that we have, so it is somewhat peculiar year after year to see the same words trotted out. It looks somewhat glib, if I could put it that way. I want to come to the detention powers. ASIO's power to detain without charge under an ASIO warrant for up to 168 hours has been described by some of Australia's top legal experts as unnecessary and unjustifiable. I am sure you are aware of the various kinds of commentary that surround that. Is it the case that that power has not been invoked in the seven years of its existence, to your knowledge?

Mr Irvine-That is correct.

Senator LUDLAM-Those same detention provisions were considered by the UN Committee against Torture, which said that, to the extent that these provisions infringe upon people's rights to take proceedings to court to determine the lawfulness of their detention, they are a breach of article 2 of the convention against torture. Are you familiar with the brief in which those comments are contained?

Mr Irvine-Could you say that again?

Senator LUDLAM-The provisions were considered by the United Nations Committee against Torture. On notice, I can provide you with the citation for that reference.

Mr Irvine-Would you still mind clarifying that question?

Senator LUDLAM-The UN Committee against Torture has considered the detention provisions that we are discussing. Their comment was, to the extent that the provisions infringe people's rights to take proceedings to court to determine the lawfulness of their detention, they are in breach of article 2 of the convention against torture. So we are talking about arbitrary detention that actually prevents them from having their detention tested in court.

Mr Irvine-All I can say is that those detention provisions provide very considerable safeguards for the conduct of questioning. They are videoed. There is someone independent who monitors and is present during that questioning. The questioning would be suspended if that independent monitor raised any concern about
impropriety or illegality in connection with the exercise of that warrant. The person would have access to a lawyer in order to receive legal advice and could make a complaint about the process at any time to the Federal Police, the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security or the Commonwealth Ombudsman. There is a level of protection of rights in there that would lead me to question whether we are in fact talking about torture here.

Mr Wilkins-It is essentially a matter of policy about the legislation that is on the books. We are well aware of the comments that you refer to. But those sentiments are not necessarily shared by the government and the government's legal advisers along those lines. Some of these provisions, as you know, date back a number of years. Similar questions were raised this morning by the Human Rights Commission in relation to some of the extant legislation along these lines. It is probably fair to say that the government believes that its legislation is in accordance with its human rights obligations. But at the moment there are various discussion papers out there looking at other aspects of the legislation, as you know.

Senator LUDLAM-I was just coming to that. There is meant to be a counterterrorism white paper underway, although that is long delayed and we do not have any update as to where that is up to, unless you like to provide us with one. There is a review of national security legislation underway. The Attorney's discussion paper excluded the ASIO Act, so we did not see any propositions from the government at all for amendments to the ASIO Act. Can you tell us whether those specific provisions on ASIO's detention powers are under review or whether the government is satisfied that they should remain in place?

Mr Wilkins-There are no plans to review those particular provisions.

Senator LUDLAM-I believe the officer who just came to the table to help with that answer spoke to this committee's hearings into the bill that we introduced into parliament last year.

Mr G McDonald-Yes, I did.

Senator LUDLAM-Mr McDonald, at the time-I can remember right at the end of the hearing-you undertook to take the material that the committee had received about amendments to the ASIO Act and that you would feed that into your processes review. Can I take it from the comments by Mr Wilkins just now that the government has chosen not to proceed with anything of the sort?

Mr G McDonald-The government is still finalising its decisions on what it will proceed with and what it will not proceed with. What Mr Wilkins was referring to was whether there was to be a specific review of those provisions. There is certainly no plan for a specific review of those provisions. Of course, everything that came in from the consultation process, plus the outcomes of the process that you referred to, has been put before the government.

Senator LUDLAM-I put this to anyone at the table who feels appropriate to answer this question. Given the condemnation by various parties, including the UN Committee Against Torture, and the fact that the detention provisions have never been invoked, do you contend that ASIO continues to require this power to undertake these kinds of detentions?

Mr Wilkins-That is a different question. You have asked two questions, actually-one was in relation to whether or not the current laws comply with our international obligations, and I have already referred to that. As to whether or not it is necessary for ASIO to have those powers, obviously government policy is that at the
moment it is necessary and it is part of the statute. Obviously, the previous government took the same view. As far as government policy is concerned, I cannot traverse, obviously, what their future intentions may be, but that is the current position.

Senator LUDLAM-I come back to where I began, with the surveillance of visiting people or friendly conversations of people who are clearly not engaged in activities that threaten national security. I take by extension your comments about the friendly chats to mean that you do not actively surveil people who you do not believe are a threat, in terms of violence, in their activities, whether that is environmental campaigning, peace activities or climate change. I understood your comments to mean visits by people, I extend those comments to mean active or passive surveillance of people.

Mr Irvine-ASIO conducts surveillance activities with cause. We have processes internally where we have to have a reason to create an, if you like, internal authority to investigate. We would not be just looking at people willy-nilly. We would have a process of consideration that goes through-and it is a graduated process, depending on the stage you are at-what you would do with respect to surveillance or questioning people. When I say we do seek to elicit information from people, it is not necessary related to the activities of that individual, himself or herself, but it is to assist us in inquiries that we might have on any range of issues about which that person may have some knowledge.

Senator LUDLAM-My final question is: for operational reasons rather than the questions of policy we were debating before, do you believe that your personnel require the power for the kind of summary detention that is currently enabled under your act?

Mr Irvine-You are asking me to express a belief that the government policy is that that power is there. While we have not had occasion to use it, clearly government policy is that it is there for when there is an occasion when we indeed may need to use it and quickly.

Senator LUDLAM-I certainly understand the policy; also that it may be under review as part of a broader review of counterterrorism legislation. But from your point of view, as the person responsible for your personnel, does it risk or does it materially harm your people's ability to do their job if that power is removed?

Mr Irvine-I agree we have not needed to use that power. If there were an occasion when we did need to use it, you would certainly take into account the fact that it would be assisting the ability of our personnel to achieve the results of an investigation that they need to achieve. As to the safety of the personnel, I am not sure that-

Senator LUDLAM-It was not a safety question so much as an operational question.

Mr Irvine-If we need to use it we would.

Senator LUDLAM-Finally, to anyone at the table: is there a counterterrorism white paper due for publication any time soon?

Mr Jordana-That is a question I would suggest you might want to direct to the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet. They are the department responsible for the management of that exercise.

Senator LUDLAM-Okay. Presumably you are in various capacities feeding into the deliberations around that paper.

Mr Jordana-That is correct.

Senator LUDLAM-But you are not in a position to tell us a publication date or anything about its progress?

Mr Jordana-No.

Senator LUDLAM-Isn't that a bit odd? This is your core business.

Mr Wilkins-It is actually Prime Minister and Cabinet's core business to determine that sort of thing.

Senator LUDLAM-I will leave it there, thanks.


as posted here

Thursday, 4 February 2010

Election censorship concern

as posted here


Election censorship concern

Posted on February 2, 2010, 12:12pm
South Australians will face online commenting restrictions when writs are issued for the March 20 State Election.
The Advertiser revealed today that a new law came into force on January 6, requiring internet bloggers, and anyone making a comment on next month’s state election, to publish their real name and postcode when commenting on the poll.
No such rules apply to commenting on federal elections.
The Right to Know Coalition, made up of major media outlets, has described the new laws as “draconian”.
Attorney General Michael Atkinson was quoted in the Adelaide Now report saying: “There is no impinging on freedom of speech, people are free to say what they wish as themselves, not as somebody else.”
Editor of The Border Watch, Michael Gorey, said the new law was a disturbing development.
“It will inevitably lead to a proliferation of anonymously published offshore websites that have no moderation policies at all,” Mr Gorey said.
“It appears that media websites will be required to verify the identity of all commenters, which will limit the number of comments and the flow of debate, also making it difficult for some people to comment at all.
“Young people will find it almost impossible to get a comment published.
“Most likely, we’ll have to use the electoral roll and phone book for verification.”
It’s understood the Liberal Party supported the legislation when it passed through parliament last year.


as posted here

The Pebble In Gareth's Shoe

as posted here


FOREIGN POLICY
 
3 Feb 2010

The Pebble In Gareth's Shoe

Since quitting politics, Gareth Evans has been doing okay for himself, preaching the need for ethical foreign policy. The East Timorese must be wondering who he thinks he's kidding, writes Adam Hughes Henry
If you missed the announcement late last year, former foreign minister Gareth Evans has been appointed chancellor of arguably the most prestigious and most successful university in the country: the ANU. A steady stream of foreign policy seminars, lectures, awards, receptions, cocktails, cheese and crackers now awaits him.
Since leaving Australian politics Evans has set about making a name for himself among the mainstream foreign affairs glitterati as a deep thinker on international affairs, particularly on conflict resolution and humanitarian interventionism. His earnest reflections on ethics and humanitarianism are now garnering him accolades, including for his latest book: The Responsibility to Protect: Ending mass atrocity crimes once and for all.
Most of Evans's opportunities since leaving Australia have somehow derived from his former role as Australia's foreign minister. Unfortunately for Evans, his tenure as foreign minister was distinguished by a series of disastrous errors of judgment toward East Timor — and toward one of the most hideous dictatorships in Asia: Suharto's New Order in Indonesia.
It's true that Evans's latest book sets out some noble concepts, but it strangely avoids going into detail about how his experience of East Timor fits into them. The book does refer to East Timor, but it does not examine Evans's own East Timor policies during the 1990s. Given its title and topic, why is East Timor not extensively covered? With a former foreign minister's access to primary sources, you’d think this kind of information would be most useful to a treatise on preventing mass atrocities.
Perhaps it's missing because Evans is ambivalent about it. As foreign minister, Evans enjoyed a strong professional relationship with his Indonesian opposite number, Ali Alatas, who once likened East Timor to a pebble in Indonesia's shoe. It would appear that Evans has an idea how Alatas felt.
What happened in East Timor was proportionally one of the greatest crimes against humanity committed in the 20th century. With diplomatic and logistical assistance from Australia, the UK and the US, the Indonesian security forces committed ongoing human rights atrocities in East Timor from 1975 until 1999.
For someone making the argument that an ethical dimension to diplomacy and foreign policy might prevent mass atrocities from occurring, the absence of specific detail on East Timor in the 1990s is striking.
Canadian political philosopher and writer John Ralston Saul provides a useful definition of ethics, describing them as "a matter of daily practical concern described glowingly in universal terms by those who intend to ignore them". When it counted, did Evans embrace the ethical notion that he had a responsibility to protect? Let us refer to his record on East Timor so that we may decide for ourselves.
After signing the 1989 Timor Gap treaty with the Indonesians, Evans fawned over Alatas, drinking a toast with him for the cameras as they flew over the territory in question. Despite the fact that Alatas was foreign minister for Suharto, Evans personally nominated him for an Order of Australia. He also allowed himself to muse over the historical nature of the treaty and the enormous wealth it could bring, saying that it would be worth "zillions" of dollars.
Indonesia's only right to the territory came from military invasion and a brutal occupation, yet the Australian government negotiated with the Indonesians on how to jointly stealthe rightful resources of an impoverished and subjugated people. Australia, an extremely wealthy Western nation with natural resources envied by the world, gained the power to commercially exploit East Timorese oil.
As Foreign Minister, Evans dismissed and denigrated the possibilities of Timorese self-determination, or freedom from Indonesian military rule. He defended or downplayed accusations of endemic human rights abuses in East Timor by the Indonesian authorities.
Even after the notorious 1991 Dili Massacre, Evans again rejected the notion of endemic human rights abuses. We can only speculate about the evidentiary basis for this extraordinary judgment.
He also heralded the Indonesian investigation into the massacre as a positive development. This investigation downplayed casualties and blamed the massacre on the unarmed crowd of protesters. John Pilger reminds us how "After the massacre, where 450 human beings were killed or wounded, the joint Australian-Indonesian board overseeing implementation of the treaty awarded 11 contracts to Australian oil and gas companies." When he was asked "about the international principle of not recognising and exploiting territory taken by force, Evans said, 'The world is a pretty unfair place.'"

And when, nearly a year after the massacre, US authorities suspended military training programs with the Indonesians, Evans and DFAT instead implemented an expansive program of Australian-Indonesian military exercises. The question of military cooperation with the very army occupying East Timor has never troubled either Evans or Paul Keating. Despite the documentary evidence and this devastating CAVR report, neither Evans nor Keating have ever expressed true contrition for their policies and personal attitudes.
In May 1994 the Sydney Morning Herald revealed that Australia's ambassador to Indonesia had passed startling information about the massacre to the Department of Foreign Affairs that had been gained from an Indonesian special forces officer. Thatinformation was that "Indonesian soldiers and intelligence agents had killed even more civilians around Dili... The [ambassador's predecessor had] kept this information confidential, in line with the wishes of the Kopassus officer who conveyed it to him, Lieutenant-Colonel Prabowo Subianto." This information was later sent to Evans.
Evans had famously downplayed the massacre as "an aberration, not an act of state policy", but the revelation that information about the extra killings had been sent to him made it hard to justify that statement. He defended his position: while there was some evidence of additional killings, there was no evidence of a second massacre of people wounded in the original massacre. Evans also stated that: "I did not at any time as foreign minister conceal from the Australian public any knowledge I had about the nature of the scale of killings that occurred in or around Dili in November 1991."
So rather than viewing this as a serious occasion for personal or organisational ethical reflection, Evans argued that these additional murders did not in fact constitute additional statistics for the Dili massacre. In Evans's view, there was no need to count the extra atrocities as part of the Dili massacre, because they belonged to a separate and distinct body count. Following this cold line of argument, Evans had not misled anyone about the Dili dead, and his personal honour was unscathed.
Such weasel words in response to a heinous and inexcusable atrocity is troubling, particularly from anyone who dares call their book, "The Responsibility to Protect". Evans has stated that "the notion that we had anything to answer for morally or otherwise over the way we handled the Indonesia-East Timor relationship, I absolutely reject".
The question of what our government knew during the period in which the East Timorese desperately needed protection has been a recurrent one for Evans. While it is not widely publicised, there is plenty of academic literature highlighting the military, technological and intelligence advantages that Australia holds over its nearest neighbours, including surveillance advantages that enable our security agencies to listen in to almost everything occurring in its region as it happens. It is seemingly an open secret in the Australian Intelligence Community (AIC) that the Indonesians are easily eavesdropped.
ANU academic Desmond Ball has published a number of articles highlighting this fact, and the Indonesians are certainly well aware of this reality. If Evans was unaware of Indonesian atrocities throughout the 1980s and 1990s, it was not because the AIC was ignorant. Did Evans really have no proper briefings with ASIS or other members of the AIC?
The idea of bringing ethics into his practice of foreign affairs paid dividends in the case of Cambodia, which Evans outlines extensively in his book. Yet in his ministerial contribution to Indonesia and East Timor, Evans appears to have been able to repeatedly sideline such ethical concerns .
Erasing ethics from the policy equation isn't necessarily an immoral practice — rather it is better understood as a type of "amorality". Saul defines amorality in this way:
"[It is] a quality admired and rewarded in modern organisations, where it is referred to through metaphors such as professionalism and efficiency. Amorality is corporatist wisdom. It is one of the terms which highlights the confusion in society between what is officially taught as a value and what is actually rewarded by the structure. Immorality is doing something wrong of our own volition. Amorality is doing it because a structure or an organisation expects us to do it. Amorality is thus worse than immorality because it involves denying our responsibility and therefore our existence as anything more than an animal."
Gareth Evans may have been made chancellor at ANU, but his other achievements cannot erase the past. What's stopping Evans being taken seriously as an ethical torchbearer for 21st century international relations? It is a pebble — a pebble called East Timor, and it sits uncomfortably inside his expensive shoes wherever he chooses to walk


as posted here

Thursday, 21 January 2010

Australian taxpayer is funding corrupt individuals

as posted here

My name is Nathan Greenup.

My Father is a fake, a fake spy acting as my father. Richard Brodie Greenup, 12 Arnell Street, Keperra,+61 07 33543204

My Uncle is real, my real uncle, he is a spy. David Carey, 137 Blackwood Street, Mitchelton, Brisbane, AUSTRALIA, 4053. PH: 61 07 33559686

Gregory Hdieke is a spy. Former Kelvin Grove State High School principal.

Ivy Carey is a fake grandmother, even in her 80's/90's. Same address as David Carey.

My mother was kidnapped for 10 years, brainwashed over this period so she wouldnt remember what happened to her or the secrets she had knowledge of.

Darren who lives at 5 or 7 Thornhill Street, Springwood, Brisbane, Australia is a spy. A criminal who uses an electronic brain-computer interface in an attempt to kill people. He has weapons. His fake persona is being a drug dealer.

THESE PEOPLE WILL CONTRIBUTE TO MY DEATH!

The Australian taxpayer is funding corrupt individuals to commit kidnap, murder, attempted murder, torture, etc.

The Australian Intelligence Community is corrupt.

PLEASE HELP ME OR I WILL DIE! I NEED TO SPEAK TO SOMEONE! This is important. A lot is at stake here.

Go to 137 Blackwood Street Mitchelton, ask for Jennifer Carey on how to get in contact with me. Or email me kombos@gmail.com

I WILL DIE UNLESS I RECEIVE HELP!

THIS IS NOT A JOKE!
THIS IS NOT A JOKE!
THIS IS NOT A JOKE!


as posted here

AGAIN I must say that the above post and most of these posts here are simply Quoted from the original post, I can not know if these claims are valid I am simply posting what I have found - webyter

Talking Headlines - SOOOO DUMB

as posted here


Talking Headlines - by Bill Green

ASIO IS SOOOO DUMB

January 14th 2010 04:45
One of Australia's intelligence organisations is very, very dumb. They have taken the word of Sri Lankan security on the worthiness of Tamil refugees. The UN condemn the Sri Lankan refugee camps and their lack of law and order, and even the way security labels those in the camps non-refugees.

Oh and the Tamils have been oppressed for decades,They've been murdered, terrorised and generally treated as untouchable (Yes, Sri Lanka even had India in to murder the Tamils). Strangely enough the Tamils began to fight back. Earlier they were called freedom fighters by the media.

ASIO clerks should do some fucking research themselves.


as posted here

Tuesday, 19 January 2010

Refugee Rights: Submission to Inquiry into Immigration Detention (Aug 2008)

as posted here


Domestic Submissions

Refugee Rights: Submission to Inquiry into Immigration Detention (Aug 2008)

On 29 May 2008, the Joint Standing Committee on Migration announced an inquiry into immigration detention in Australia.
The Centre’s Submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Migration focuses on the need for Australia’s immigration detention regime to ensure the full implementation of Australia’s obligations under international human rights law.
The Centre congratulates the Australian Government on its proposed reforms to Australia’s immigration detention scheme as detailed on 29 July 2008.  These reforms signal a significant and positive departure from the previous government’s immigration detention policies which constituted grave breaches of Australia’s obligations under international human rights law.  However, despite considerable improvements, the proposed immigration detention regime falls short of Australia’s international obligations in a number of respects.  The issues of concern are outlined in this submission.
As Australia celebrates the 60th anniversary of the UDHR, the Government must commit to the full implementation of its international obligations through comprehensive and robust domestic legislation that reflects a human rights approach to immigration detention.  Further, the Centre considers that compliance with human rights standards should not be a matter of policy subject to the discretion of the Minister and departmental officers, but should be enshrined in legislation.



as posted here

BARNS: “Refuge from double standards”, The Mercury, 18Jan10

as posted here


BARNS: “Refuge from double standards”, The Mercury, 18Jan10 January 19, 2010


by Greg Barns  -  The Mercury -  18 January 2010
THERE is hypocrisy in Australia’s decisions on who is let into the country, writes GREG BARNS.

Last week the Right-wing media and their political friends worked themselves up into lather over an assessment by ASIO that a small number of Tamil asylum seekers should not be allowed into this country because they are apparently a security threat.

But when two Israeli political leaders came to Australia shortly before Christmas, those same politicians and media fawned over them, despite the fact they have been identified as possibly having committed crimes against humanity and war crimes.

Right at the outset let’s make it clear that just because ASIO assesses someone as a security threat means nothing. ASIO jumps at shadows and you have no way of knowing if its assessment is correct or not because it is secretive, unaccountable and has a history of getting it horribly wrong in the past.

But ASIO’s secret assessment of these asylum seekers was enough to get the now Far Right Liberal Party jumping. Leader Tony Abbott says the Rudd Government has put the security of Australia at risk, and his chief supporter in the media, The Australian, ran an editorial last week criticising the Rudd Government for failing to “protect our borders”.

Tragically neither The Australian nor Abbott queried for a nanosecond that ASIO might be wrong. But while The Australian or Abbott are running around condemning Tamil asylum seekers on the basis of a secret assessment by “spooks”, neither took issue with the visits just over a month ago by former Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert and the current Israeli Deputy PM Silvan Shalom.

Yet both these men played a large part in the Gaza Offensive of a year ago. This military operation by Israel against the Palestinians resulted in 1300 Palestinians dying, and hundreds of thousands of others being displaced and injured.

The Gaza Offensive has been the subject of a major investigation and report by eminent South African jurist Richard Goldstone, who found that: “Repeatedly, the Israel defence forces failed to adequately distinguish between combatants and civilians, as the laws of war strictly require.”

Goldstone further noted that “pursuing justice in this case is essential because no state or armed group should be above the law”. Failure to do so “will have a deeply corrosive effect on international justice, and reveal an unacceptable hypocrisy. As a service to hundreds of civilians who needlessly died, and for the equal application of international justice, the perpetrators of serious violations must be held to account,” he said in his report, which he presented to the United Nations on September 29 last year.

Goldstone’s Mission found that those who were responsible for the devising, planning and execution of the Gaza Offensive — and this means Olmert and Shalom — should be held accountable for any crimes committed by Israeli forces.

Goldstone’s Mission said it found that Israel committed grave breaches of the Geneva Convention, including “wilful killing, torture or inhuman treatment, wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health, and extensive destruction of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly”.

And Goldstone’s Mission found that Israeli officials and armed forces should be held accountable for crimes against humanity because of a series of “acts that deprive Palestinians in the Gaza Strip of their means of subsistence, employment, housing and water, that deny their freedom of movement and their right to leave and enter their own country, that limit their rights to access a court of law and an effective remedy”.

Australian law now allows for persons suspected of having committed war crimes or crimes against humanity to be arrested and tried in this country, irrespective of where the alleged offences were committed.

One would have thought that, given the very public findings of the Goldstone report, Australian political leaders and the media would be making it clear to Shalom and Olmert that they risked arrest if they entered Australia.

You can bet if it were a Tamil leader seeking to enter Australia, about whom Goldstone-type findings had been made, that would definitely have been the reaction.

But Abbott and, it has to be said, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and his deputy Julia Gillard feted their Israeli guests.

The Australian’s Greg Sheridan conducted a long and sympathetic interview with Olmert and slobbered that he spent “90 minutes in the boardroom of Sydney’s Park Hyatt, and then over a relaxed lunch with his wife, Aliza, at Circular Quay”, while “Olmert talked with remarkable frankness about the military campaigns in Gaza and Lebanon, the historic peace deal he offered the Palestinians, [US] President Barack Obama’s Middle East policy and the options for action against Iran”.

Would Sheridan roll out the read carpet for a Tamil leader? One thinks not. Hypocrisy and double standards are awful things.
Greg Barns is an Australian writer and political commentator who has previously advised Australian governments on policy.


as posted here

Rudd faces questions over deals to settle Tamils

as posted here


Rudd faces questions over deals to settle Tamils

TOM ALLARD
January 19, 2010
The last of the asylum seekers from the Oceanic Viking are due to leave Indonesia this week. Most are destined for New Zealand, which originally refused to take any of the 78 Sri Lankans on the customs vessel.
The development ends a challenging saga for the Rudd Government that began when the Tamils refused to get off the Oceanic Viking after being rescued on the high seas.
The situation strained relations with Indonesia, and questions remain about how the Government and the United Nations High Commission for Refugees managed to convince several countries to accept the Tamils so quickly.
Most asylum seekers in Indonesia wait four or five years before being resettled but those involved in the four-week stand-off on the Oceanic Viking will find new homes within two months thanks to a special deal brokered by Australia in exchange for their disembarkation.
''There's an indication that the movement [of the remaining Sri Lankans] is taking place this week,'' said Teuku Faizasyah, a spokesman for Indonesia's Foreign Ministry. ''It looks like it will be happening this week. If that's the case, it's good.''
Sources at the Tanjung Pinang detention centre said 13 asylum seekers would leave for the Philippines for processing tomorrow before going to New Zealand. The final three will come to Australia. Twenty-eight of the Tamils are heading to the US, 13 to Canada, 13 to New Zealand and three to Norway.
The three at Tanjung Pinang who will come to Australia will join 18 others. Twelve of those processed by Australia have been resettled on the mainland. Four who did not pass ASIO security checks, and two children of one of them, remain on Christmas Island.
New Zealand originally rejected accepting any of the asylum seekers but changed its mind for reasons that remain unclear.
Sources familiar with negotiations said all the nations initially refused to be part of the deal to resettle the ethnic Tamils.
The acting Opposition leader, Julie Bishop, said: ''The Prime Minister must disclose what he has offered to other countries as an inducement to take people from the Oceanic Viking.''
A spokesman for the Immigration Minister, Chris Evans, said Australia had ''assisted the UNHCR to find resettlement solutions for the passengers on board the Oceanic Viking'' but denied there had been any inducements to other countries.
Mr Faizasyah said Indonesia was anxious that the episode was not repeated and suggested his country would not be prepared to accept boat people intercepted by an Australian vessel again.
''We don't foresee a similar situation happening in the future,'' Mr Faizasyah said.
Meanwhile, at the Javan port of Merak, almost 250 Sri Lankan asylum seekers continue to live in squalid conditions and are refusing to disembark from their boat after a 100-day stand-off.
They want the same deal as their fellow countrymen on the Oceanic Viking have received but their demands have been rebuffed by Australia, even though they were detained by the Indonesian Navy following a personal request from Mr Rudd.
with Jonathan Pearlman































































as posted here

Monday, 18 January 2010

Australia responds to threats of internet war

as posted here


Australia responds to threats of internet war

DAN HARRISON
January 16, 2010
HACKERS are launching 200 attacks a month on the Defence Department's computer networks, the Defence Minister, John Faulkner, revealed as he unveiled a new centre to co-ordinate the nation's response to online threats.
Journalists were allowed into the Defence Signals Directorate yesterday for the first time since its creation in 1947. The occasion was the opening of the Cyber Security Operations Centre.
The centre, which will cost $14 million a year to run when fully operational, is partly a product of last year's Defence white paper, which highlighted the growing threat of electronic warfare. Its centrepiece, ''The Pit'', resembles a movie set, with three rows of computer terminals overseen at one end by giant screens and at the other by a bank of computers on a raised platform, surrounded by a horseshoe-shaped mezzanine.
Digital clocks show the time in the capitals of the nation's closest allies - Washington, London, Ottawa and Wellington - while signs display messages to motivate staff: ''Reveal Their Secrets - Protect Our Own,'' says one. ''Operate in the slim area between difficult and impossible,'' reads another.
The centre is being opened at a time of heightened interest in cyber security after the internet giant Google threatened to abandon China, citing attacks on the Gmail accounts of human rights activists. More than 30 other US companies, including Adobe, Yahoo! and Symantec, have reportedly fallen victim to attacks and last year the FBI tracked more than 90,000 attacks on the US Defence Department. The attacks were said to have originated in China.
Senator Faulkner said cyber attacks were a worsening global problem. ''Cyber intrusions on government, critical infrastructure and other information networks are a real threat to Australia's national security and national interests.''
Defence, he said, had investigated about 200 electronic security incidents on its own network a month in 2009. ''Defence effectively responded to these activities and I can say that no operations to date were disrupted due to network intrusion.''
The directorate also responded to about 220 incidents reported by other Australian government agencies last year. Senator Faulkner would not be drawn on a suggestion that many cyber attacks originated in China.
''There is some evidence that electronic intrusion of Australian Government sites has been conducted from overseas but I stress that the nature of the internet makes it difficult, perhaps impossible, to attribute those attacks to exact sources.
The centre will employ about 130 information technology experts, engineers and analysts from the directorate.
Senator Faulkner would not be drawn on whether Australia had also launched cyber attacks. ''I am not prepared to address the issue of Defence's cyber activities or capabilities,'' he said.
''I will not do that … I will not be placed in a position … where I would jeopardise Australia's national security.''







































































as posted here